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You’ve stumbled across this page for a reason.
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You know that you can reach the upper echelon of agency owners making six-and-seven figures, whilst working less than six-and-seven hours a week. You just don’t know how… My name’s Iman Gadzhi and since 2017, I’ve run IAG Media. In this time, I’ve worked with some of the biggest names in the industry, enjoyed six-figure months and made my clients millions.
I’ve also lost multiple clients in a row, been over-worked and chained to the agency that I started to give me freedom.
All the while, I’ve refined, tweaked and optimized my agency whilst also creating GrowYourAgency.com – the world’s largest education company for agency owners.
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(This is part of my ongoing series where I flesh out/rework current Africa lore, though it mostly functions as a standalone. I will provide a link to the prior posts in the comment section if anyone is interested.)
Why did the Germans take over Portuguese Angola and Mozambique? They had no historical claims on the territory, no ideological imperative to include Africans and Portuguese in their empire, neither Hitler nor anyone else in nazi circles ever expressed interest in taking over these colonies. So why did they do it, other than to greatly simplify African borders and the gameplay of the south African war? My best attempt to force a reason comes down to a combination of ideological “moral outrage”, the discovery of oil in Angola, and German business interests being violated by Salazar after the 50’s crash. These combined with an increasingly irritable and erratic Hitler to create an armed expedition to “temporarily” occupy the Portuguese colonies, and their defacto annexation into the Reichskommissariats.
Lets go into a bit more detail, in order to justify these factors. During otl WW2 Salazar and Portugal remained officially neutral, never declaring war on anyone. However, they did ultimately bend the knee to allied pressure: leasing the Azores islands in 1943 and embargoing tungsten exports to Germany in 1944. In the aftermath of the war Salazar would play ball with the new American led order, being a founding member of NATO, cooperating with European economic integration and being included in the marshal plan. The strategy seems to have been to maintain Portugal's political sovereignty at all costs, including by giving economic/strategic concessions to the larger and victorious powers when needed. In TNO this strategy would have continued, but to the benefit of the victorious Germans. While Portugal would never have joined the war outright, I have no doubt that as the balance swung in Germany’s favor Portugal would have done their best to get in Hitler’s good graces without giving up anything Salazar considered vital. This is relevant to Africa when considering likely post-war economic projects taken on by the axis.
The Estado Novo regime considered the European colonies to be integral parts of “Europe” itself, and of course for its own colonies to be integral parts of Portugal. As such they spent a great deal of effort in modernizing, developing and integrating their African holdings. This was done through the cultural suppression of native groups, Portuguese immigration and police oppression, but also through the education of African natives, strongly investing in the African provinces and intermarriage between Whites and Blacks. This last bit would have been the first strike against Portugal in the eyes of Hitler: Salazar’s refusal to adopt a blood and soil mythology as a pillar of his regime. For all its racist paternalism and abuse the Portuguese concept of the European mission in Africa was that of the white man's burden: to elevate the natives into Portuguese civilization in order to form a greater Portugal. As such employing, educating and most importantly to the Nazi’s breeding with black Africans was (to an extent) accepted. For Hitler, who believed that racial purity and hierarchy was the key to… everything this open contradiction within his New Order would have been almost intolerable. No doubt revulsion at Portuguese liberality and “blood defilement” in Africa would have also been common in the Nazi administration in Africa. None of this is reason enough to invade Portuguese Africa on its own. Hitler and virtually every other important decision maker in the Nazi state was far more concerned with goings on in Europe or the other great powers: no one had time for tiny Portugal. But this does explain the mindset of those within Africa itself: the Portuguese were irresponsibly defying the New Order and undermining the European order in Africa by empowering the natives and diluting European blood, and ought to be stopped somehow.
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Another aspect of Portuguese rule which would unsettle their Nazi neighbors is their willingness to arm and train black Africans as part of the Portuguese army. Though the policy was sometimes circumvented the Reich Colonial Office had a general ban on the use of native solders, relegating them to minor logistical work or police duty. Portugals comparative liberality seemed a threat to the all-white order Germany was attempting to build.
This same project of integration and development by Portugal is also an opportunity for Germany however, specifically in how Germany could come to economically profit from or even dominate the project. In the aftermath of victory Germany would be engorged on the spoils of war, and have effective control over most of Europe and Africa. In such a scenario Portugal could do little but cooperate with the new hegemon, and despite Salazar wishing to keep the project of national development strictly under his control I believe he would ultimately bow to pressure by Germany and Italy to permit their economic investment into Portugal and their rapidly growing colonies. Though Salazar would do what he could to mitigate the political or military pressure this put on Portugal, a slew of partially or fully German owned properties would have cropped up in Angola and Mozambique. Coffee and bean plantations, tungsten and iron mines, and even consumer industries in those cities with a large European population are entirely possible. Salazar was always willing to give economic concessions in order to avoid making political or social concessions, and the same applies here.
However the good times do not last: the German economy crashes, debts go unpaid, and suddenly German owned industry in Portuguese Africa became stagnant or even abandoned. The obvious thing to do is to buy the property off the Germans and distribute it to Portuguese hands, but Portugal itself would have been harmed by this economic downturn. As such Salazar chose to do what it had done to the British in the past: he nationalized foreign owned industry and brought it under state control. In truth Salazar would have been itching to do this for a while, wishing to ensure Portuguese sovereignty via economic self sufficiency and domestic ownership. The gamble is that Germany, like Britain before it, would seek to come to some kind of agreement with Portugal rather than risk being cut out of the Portuguese economy entirely. The standard denunciations of the “theft of German property” and “betrayal of treaty obligations” were issued, but Salazar stood firm, willing to take this gamble. All the more because the Italians, Spanish and Turks were all fleeing from Germany as well: surely the Reich had larger problems? When the West Russian War broke out it appears that the gamble had paid off, as a now weakened Germany was in no position to meaningfully oppose the seizure of property.
And perhaps that would have been true, had it not been for the third aspect: the discovery of oil. The German east was in flames, the Italian controlled middle eastern oil was being withheld, and the war machine suddenly needed fuel. Though it wasn’t strongly developed yet, the recently discovered oil fields in Portuguese Angola were ripe with potential, and if seized would not have the same security issues as the caucuses or Iran. In the heightened fear of the early WRW, the sting of the Portuguese “betrayal”, and Hitlers own advancing age and ill temper, plans were drawn up to seize the oil and the formerly owned property by force. The operation itself was expected to be militarily cheap: Angola and Mozambique were lightly garrisoned, while the German navy had full command over the shoreline. All that was needed was a spark, something to justify the land grab in the eyes of the public. The SS made rushed plans to stage a false flag attack of some kind, but in the end there was no need: the social tensions within Portuguese Africa would do the job for them.
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First successful oil drill in Angola by a joint German-Portuguese venture. Though the oil fields were not yet fully mapped or exploited, Germany believed this was more due to Portuguese obstructionism than technical difficulties. Portugal for its part recognized the value that this new discovery could bring, and the risk of that value. They had no intention of letting it slip into German hands.
At this worst possible moment, a native strike flared up in Lourenço Marques, a city in Mozambique. Having been badly treated even during the economic growth, African laborers were then pressed by the economic downturn. Factory managers would fire workers or cut pay in order to make ends meet, and under the influence of a minor new socialist group the workers went on strike. However, when the management brought in strikebreakers the workers rioted and occupied their factory, including taking several Europeans hostage in order to ensure the police would not simply crush them. One of these hostages was a German tourist, who just happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. The crisis probably could have been dealt with peacefully, but Germany had larger designs. The German media jumped on the story, and the foreign office made unreasonable demands that the issue be solved immediately. Soon Germany, with the go ahead of Hitler, proclaimed that Portugal had lost control of its African colonies and that their irresponsible rule was a danger to Germans and all Europeans in Africa. Salazar was shocked: such grandiose statements were not uncommon from Germania, but had never been directed at Portugal. He quickly moved to make diplomatic contact, but it was too late: Hitler was determined to go ahead with the land grab, and ordered the operation to commence.
Hastily mobilized units from Sudwestafrika and Ostafrika cooperated with the remaining German garrisons to occupy Angola and Mozambique, initially running into minimal resistance. Most locals did not even realize that there was a crises as the incident had been heavily censored to avoid a potential spread of strikes. As such the roads and parts of the countryside were occupied by simply walking in and claiming it so. Salazar was now terrified that the Germans would expand their invasion to Portugal itself if given a reason, and ordered that regular troops not use lethal force to repel the invasion. This meant in practice that the regular Portuguese forces withdrew to ports, police stations or bases, where they holed up rather than face the invaders directly. Within a week a German troop presence was in place across all the major cities and oil fields, with the colonial office scrambling to organize a temporary martial law. The next few months were tense, with isolated Portuguese troops refusing to surrender but also being unable to take the offensive, and the German navy blockading the coast. The Portuguese mainland announced a partial mobilization and for once had no issue finding young recruits for the army. Eventually, through the efforts of diplomats and officers on the ground who had no wish to start a war, evacuations of Portuguese troops were negotiated as German military superiority in Africa could not be denied. The Germans had successfully snatched up all of central Africa, and the oil fields could be put to use fueling the Wehrmacht's operations in Russia and Cameroon, all with minimal casualties. Oh, and in case you were wondering, the German tourist made it out just fine: she had been released by strikers before the invasion even started.
The diplomatic consequences however were terrible. South Africa under the National Party had previously been on the verge of aligning with Germany, but in the aftermath of this attack the neutralist faction was greatly empowered, which wished to bring in some American influence in order to balance Germany and avoid submitting to anyone’s hegemony. Portuguese ties were of course totally broken and Spain, which had been trying to retain good relations with both Germany and Italy after the economic crash, now decided that Germany and specifically Hitler was unreliable and increasingly irrational. As such Franco decided to buff up his northern border defense and align more closely with Italy. This would be the first step in the formation of Iberia. All of this could have been made up for in part by their new land: Angola and Mozambique were some of the fastest growing economies in Africa, and there was a brief hope that this would aid the ailing German African economy. But it was not to be: the Portuguese and Asians who had the technical know-how in those economies almost universally elected to flee the nazi conquest, either to South Africa or more often back to Portugal itself. While doing so they took with them everything of value they could, both to ensure their livelihoods in Portugal and to spite the Hun. Franco and Salazar both aided this by providing transport for those wishing to flee and able to provide Portuguese citizenship. As such the local economies of the conquered territory were suddenly devastated by the near total flight of local talent and management.
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Perhaps ironically, the element which would most fiercely resist the German invasion was the armed Africans. Knowing that they had nowhere else to run to and that the Germans would provide neither employment nor mercy, black Portuguese soldiers became the first meaningful resistance to Germany in Angola and Mozambique.
The responses to this by the German RKs were different. In Sudwestafrika Kommissar Bernhard Ruberg saw this as a good thing and made no effort to stop the exodus. He did not consider the Portuguese to be racially Aryan and likely to cause trouble in any case. As such their voluntary removal from his new territory was something to be encouraged, as Sudwestafrika was intended to be a settlor colony dominated by a new Aryan Nazi elite. This had the desired effect of nearly totally draining Angola of Portuguese people and many educated Africans, at the cost of the Angolan economy becoming utterly derelict. Ostafrika Kommissar Theodor Eicke saw things differently. Though he agreed that the racial quality of these people were dubious, he also wished to take full advantage of the economic potential of Mozambique. More importantly, the flight of aggrieved former residents just across the border to South Africa represented a security risk, as they may organize resistance groups in the comparative safety of South Africa. When SA refused his request that they close the border and repatriate those who had fled, Eicke took matters into his own hands and declared that he would not permit anyone to leave until the state of emergency was lifted. This had the desired effect of initially retaining the economic functionality of Mozambique, but this came at the cost of the populations ire against him and giving both white and black Mozambique a common enemy, for perhaps the first time in their history. The only territory to be smoothly integrated into its new status was Cabinda, which was handed to Zentralafrika under Carl Krogmann. Being the most liberal of the Kommissars and concerned primarily with economic extraction, the new port and oil field was swiftly taken under new management with little change to the working laws.
In 1962 the status of these territories has not changed much. Germany has not officially annexed either one, instead placing them under indefinite RK “trusteeship”. Portugal, or now Iberia, retains their claim to the territory and routinely demands its return. The RKs meanwhile treat them as piggy banks for their own projects. In Sudwestafrika Ruberg maintains a policy of “southern favoritism”, prioritizing the development and colonization of the original German colony above all else. As such, though he retains tight control over the Angolan provinces, they are purely a means to extract wealth for himself and to finance/supply the ongoing colonization effort to the south. The economy of this area remains destitute as all productivity is redirected away from the area. The area is restive, but as of yet organized resistance remains weak and divided. The same can not be said of Mozambique. Here the economy has also suffered, but only because of the increasingly strict security measures taken by Huttig and the African SS. Though he has managed to keep a lid on unrest and rebellion, the province remains a hotbed for clandestine radical groups and petty warlordism. This is unacceptable, and for his first task as head of security in Ostafrika Huttig shall seek to pacify Mozambique for good in 1962. Little Cabinda meanwhile has almost forgotten its former Portuguese status, having been integrated fully into the byzantine structure of Zentralafrika.
The final piece of this puzzle to consider is the role of the African exile. Many educated Africans took the opportunity to flee the nazi and returned to Portugal or were in Portugal at the time, including men like Joaquim Chissano, Eduardo Mondlane and Agostinho Neto. These exiled intellectuals were unable to find a place in Iberian society: opposed to colonialism and typically Marxist in inclination, most would have ended up exiled or arrested. However when there is no longer any Angola or Mozambique for the Portuguese to lose, suddenly these radicals become far less of an issue. Salazar would never go so far as to support their ambitions, but so long as their liberation committees remain strictly focused on their home nations he is willing to tolerate them. As such the intellectual growth of pan Africanism and African socialism has been able to ferment in Portugal and to a lesser extent America, where they have a sympathetic audience and tolerant authorities. Such student-led groups have only weak ties to the homeland, but nonetheless are a circle of committed and familiar revolutionaries who will jump at the opportunity to undermine the Germans should the opportunity arrive. Once the Russian exiles were a dead end and irrelevant group. Now the names of Lenin, Bukharin and Trotsky are celebrated by socialists across the world. Who is to say the “Lisbon colony” will not achieve something similar?
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Eduardo Mondlane pictured with his American wife (right). The issue of becoming \"westernized\" is one of the many fissures which threaten to split the exile pan-Africanists: how can an African man say he is fighting western imperialism while he marries their women, wears their suits and participates in their capitalist economy? Of course, the response is that such complaints are unrealistic, or immature, or even racist. When the exiles return after the fall of German Africa, who knows what the people they both claim to represent will say?